
09 SEPTEMBER 2026
This week’s edition opens in Bishkek, where the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation displayed both the reach and the limitations of Eurasian alignment. Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin reaffirmed their strategic convergence, the members condemned attacks on Iran and unilateral sanctions, and Narendra Modi urged an end to the Ukraine war without distancing India from Moscow. The summit’s ten members represent 43% of humanity and 23% of global output—figures that establish geopolitical weight, but not the unity of purpose implied by the leaders’ carefully staged photograph.
Across the Pacific, institutional autonomy is under sharper pressure. China warned Palau over Taiwan’s participation in the Pacific Islands Forum, while Taipei accused Beijing of surveillance and “wolf warrior” diplomacy. The United States and Australia responded to regional priorities with US$580 million for energy resilience and law enforcement. Meanwhile, Chinese surveys east of Taiwan, Taipei’s proposed defence budget above NT$1 trillion and the planned Typhon deployment in Japan show how diplomatic contests are being reinforced by surveillance, military investment and operational preparation.
Security cooperation is consequently becoming denser without consolidating into a single bloc. ANZUS marked its seventy-fifth anniversary, Quad Sherpas advanced practical work in New Delhi, and Japan, the United States and Australia prepared for their largest Orient Shield exercise. This issue argues that the resulting architecture is better understood as networked deterrence than an Asian NATO: overlapping partnerships can improve interoperability and strategic flexibility, but they provide neither unified command nor automatic agreement over how members would respond to a major regional crisis.
Energy vulnerability forms a deeper thread. South Korea is weighing a contribution in Hormuz while opening an emergency-supply dialogue with Japan. Vietnam has approved its first commercial nuclear project with Russia, and China and Russia are linking Arctic shipping, the Northern Sea Route and development of the Russian Far East. These initiatives reveal a search for resilience through shared supplies, nuclear power and alternative corridors. They raise the harder question running through this edition: does diversification reduce dependency—or merely transfer it to Moscow, Beijing and newly exposed routes?
- Key Developments
- Statistics of the Week
- Map of the Week
- Photo of the Week
- Infographic of the Week
- Regional Alliances
- Analysis
Vietnam Clears First Nuclear Power Project with Russia
Vietnam’s National Assembly approved an agreement with Russia for Ninh Thuan 1, advancing the country’s first commercial nuclear power project. Rosatom is expected to build two VVER-1200 reactors with a combined capacity of 2.4 gigawatts. The decision builds on Hanoi’s 2024 revival of a nuclear programme suspended in 2016 and a bilateral construction agreement signed in March 2026. No definitive construction schedule has been announced.
The project could strengthen energy security as rapidly rising electricity demand tests Vietnam’s power system and its long-term decarbonisation plans. It also gives Russia a strategic role in a major Southeast Asian infrastructure programme. However, parliamentary approval is an enabling step rather than a construction breakthrough: financing, regulation, workforce development, nuclear-waste management and delivery capacity remain significant challenges. Vietnam’s current strategy targets completion of both planned Ninh Thuan plants by 2035.
China Warns Palau over Taiwan’s Pacific Forum Presence
China warned of unspecified “consequences” over Taiwan’s participation in events surrounding the Pacific Islands Forum summit in Palau. Beijing’s Pacific envoy, Qian Bo, argued that Taiwan was not qualified to attend. Palau nevertheless invited Taiwanese Foreign Minister Lin Chia-lung to associated events, maintaining the Forum’s practice of engaging Taiwan as a development partner. Palau is one of only three Pacific countries retaining diplomatic relations with Taipei.
The dispute became a test of the Forum’s institutional autonomy as well as Palau’s willingness to resist Chinese pressure. Australia and New Zealand stressed that Pacific members—not external partners—determine the guest list. Beijing’s deliberately vague warning raised the political cost of engaging Taiwan without specifying what retaliation might follow. Suspicions that foreign pressure contributed to several leaders’ absence circulated during the summit, but no evidence publicly established Chinese responsibility.
SCO Summit Highlights Eurasian Alignment—and Its Limits
Chinese President Xi Jinping, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian gathered in Bishkek for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation’s twenty-fifth-anniversary summit. Discussions encompassed the Ukraine war, conflict involving Iran, Afghanistan, India-China relations and India-Pakistan tensions. Members also considered development financing and connectivity initiatives, including the International North-South Transport Corridor and Russia’s Northern Sea Route. Pezeshkian scheduled bilateral meetings with Putin, Modi and several regional leaders.
The gathering reinforced the SCO’s role as a forum for powers seeking a less Western-centred international order and alternative economic networks. Iran’s participation also pushed Middle Eastern security higher on an organisation originally focused on Eurasian stability. Nevertheless, competing interests—including India’s caution toward China, India-Pakistan rivalry and differing positions on Russia’s war—continue to constrain collective action. The summit demonstrated diplomatic reach more clearly than strategic unity.
Xi and Putin Reaffirm Strategic Convergence
Xi Jinping told Vladimir Putin that the foundations of China-Russia relations would grow stronger under their joint strategic guidance. Meeting on the sidelines of the SCO summit, Xi cited rising international uncertainty and called for cooperation to reform global governance and advance an “equal and orderly” multipolar world. The leaders also discussed unspecified regional and international issues.
The language underlined the political durability of the partnership despite Western pressure on Russia and Beijing’s efforts to retain room for manoeuvre internationally. It also connected bilateral cooperation to a broader challenge to Western influence over international institutions. However, no major new agreement emerged from the meeting. Its principal significance was therefore continuity and high-level reassurance, rather than a demonstrable expansion of military or economic commitments.
Modi Urges an End to the Ukraine War While Preserving Russian Ties
Narendra Modi told Vladimir Putin that every additional day of the Ukraine war set humanity back and reiterated India’s support for efforts to end the fighting. Modi nevertheless described Putin as a friend and praised expanding economic relations. India remains one of the largest purchasers of Russian oil, providing Moscow with important revenue since Western sanctions followed its 2022 invasion. Putin said Russia was moving toward peace, although the Kremlin’s publicly stated conditions remained unacceptable to Ukraine.
Modi’s intervention illustrated India’s attempt to combine strategic autonomy with a more visible diplomatic position on the war. New Delhi can signal concern about prolonged hostilities without abandoning energy and defence ties with Moscow. The remarks therefore did not indicate a bilateral rupture or major policy shift. Their value lay chiefly in sustaining India’s claim to be an independent interlocutor able to engage Russia, Ukraine and Western governments.
Russia Portrays NATO’s Arctic Expansion as a Direct Threat
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said NATO’s Arctic Sentry mission and expanding exercises posed a direct threat to Russia. NATO launched the mission in February, while Norway has been enlarging its Arctic brigade and allied forces have intensified cold-weather activity. Moscow retains the region’s largest military presence, including nuclear-capable submarines, and is expanding Arctic shipping routes connecting Russian resources with Asian markets.
The dispute matters increasingly to Asia because Russia’s Northern Sea Route and its Arctic economic partnership with China are becoming integral to Moscow’s eastward strategy. NATO describes its measures as defensive responses to Russia’s military footprint, while Moscow presents them as encirclement. Neither claim by itself establishes offensive intent, but expanding patrols, infrastructure and exercises on both sides increase the likelihood of miscalculation in a region once partly insulated from wider European tensions.
Stubb Casts Beijing as a Constraint on Russian Nuclear Escalation
Finnish President Alexander Stubb said Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi privately assured him during a July meeting in Helsinki that China would not permit Russia to use nuclear weapons. Stubb consequently described Beijing as a potentially effective deterrent against Russian nuclear escalation and urged European governments to remain vigilant without becoming alarmist.
The account suggests that Moscow’s growing economic and diplomatic dependence may give Beijing meaningful influence over its most escalatory choices. However, China has not publicly confirmed the reported assurance, and its ability—or willingness—to enforce such a red line remains untested. Even if Stubb’s account is accurate, Chinese opposition to nuclear use should not be interpreted as equivalent to pressure on Russia to end the conventional war or accept European terms for peace.
US, Australia and New Zealand Mark ANZUS amid Wider Defence Coordination
US Joint Chiefs Chairman General Dan Caine met Australian Chief of the Defence Force Admiral Mark Hammond and New Zealand counterpart Air Marshal Tony Davies in Victoria, Canada, marking 75 years since the ANZUS Treaty. The meeting occurred during the Indo-Pacific Chiefs of Defense Conference, which assembled 30 delegations from 29 countries to discuss deterrence, resilience, emerging technology, interoperability and maritime security.
The anniversary messaging highlighted the functional closeness of the three militaries despite ANZUS’s complicated history with New Zealand. More broadly, the conference demonstrated Washington’s reliance on overlapping bilateral, trilateral and multilateral networks rather than a single Indo-Pacific alliance structure. No new force posture or treaty commitment was announced, making the gathering principally a mechanism for relationship-building, planning and interoperability.
Taiwan’s Defence Budget Set to Pass NT$1 Trillion
President Lai Ching-te said Taiwan’s proposed 2027 defence budget would exceed NT$1 trillion—approximately US$31.5 billion—for the first time. Speaking on Armed Forces Day, Lai said the increase demonstrated Taiwan’s determination to strengthen deterrence. He also emphasised domestic defence production, artificial intelligence and unmanned systems. Beijing accused his administration of wasting public funds and attempting to resist unification through force.
The milestone responds both to increasing Chinese military pressure and repeated US demands that partners assume more responsibility for their defence. Investment in drones and indigenous capabilities could improve resilience and reduce reliance on delayed foreign deliveries. However, headline spending alone will not resolve Taiwan’s personnel, procurement and readiness problems. The budget’s strategic effect will depend on whether resources produce dispersed, survivable systems suited to deterring or complicating a Chinese blockade or invasion.
Pacific Islands Forum Opens amid Leadership Absences and Strategic Strains
The Pacific Islands Forum opened in Palau with at least five national leaders absent. The prime ministers of Fiji, Vanuatu, Samoa and Solomon Islands and the president of Kiribati sent ministers or other representatives. The summit addressed energy disruption, implementation of the 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent and institutional reform. Dialogue partners—including China, the United States and Japan—also returned after being excluded from the previous leaders’ meeting in Honiara.
The absences reduced the meeting’s political weight but did not prevent the governments concerned from being represented. More consequential was the difficulty of maintaining a common Pacific position amid pressure from competing partners, disagreement over Taiwan and concern about China’s missile activity. The summit illustrated the Forum’s continuing importance as the region’s principal political institution, while exposing how external rivalry can complicate consensus on security and diplomacy.
United States and Australia Commit US$580 Million to the Pacific
The United States and Australia announced a combined US$580 million in Pacific assistance during the regional summit in Palau. Washington pledged US$150 million, including US$60 million for fuel storage and electricity-grid stability. Australia committed A$600 million—about US$430 million—to combat organised crime and drug trafficking through aerial surveillance and additional training for police and border agencies.
The packages respond to immediate Pacific priorities, particularly energy insecurity and transnational crime, while also signalling continued competition with China. The US contribution was especially notable after the dismantling of USAID raised doubts about Washington’s regional commitment. Yet funding announcements will be judged by delivery, local consultation and sustainability. Pacific governments have repeatedly resisted being treated simply as an arena for major-power rivalry, favouring assistance aligned with regional needs rather than donor competition.
Russia Protests Typhon Missile Deployment in Japan
Russia formally protested the planned use of the US Army’s Typhon missile system during the Orient Shield exercise in Japan. Scheduled for September 8–24, the drills will involve approximately 3,700 personnel from Japan, the United States and Australia. Typhon can launch SM-6 and Tomahawk missiles and is due to be deployed in Kagoshima before being transferred to a US base. Moscow warned that it could take compensatory military measures.
The deployment extends the regional controversy surrounding US land-based intermediate-range missiles, already demonstrated in the Philippines. For Tokyo and Washington, Typhon provides flexible conventional strike and air-defence options; Russia sees it as additional pressure on its eastern territory. Because the system’s launchers can carry different missiles, deployments may create uncertainty about payloads and intended missions, increasing escalation risks even when officially temporary.
Xi’s Cairo Visit Deepens China-Egypt Strategic Engagement
Xi Jinping held talks with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi during his first visit to Egypt in a decade. Discussions focused on the conflict involving Iran, maritime trade and Chinese investment. Agreements were expected to cover artificial intelligence, transportation and manufacturing. Chinese investment in Egypt is estimated at about US$10 billion, with major projects concentrated in the Suez Canal Economic Zone and the New Administrative Capital.
Egypt views China as an important source of infrastructure finance, technology and diplomatic diversification, while Beijing values Egypt’s control of the Suez Canal and its influence across the Arab world and Africa. The visit strengthened this alignment but did not displace Cairo’s longstanding security relationship with Washington. Egypt is instead pursuing strategic flexibility—expanding Chinese economic and military contacts while preserving US assistance and avoiding exclusive alignment with either power.
Party Rules Further Institutionalise Kim Jong Un’s Control
Revisions adopted at the Workers’ Party of Korea’s Ninth Congress explicitly strengthened Kim Jong Un’s authority to convene and chair senior party bodies, appoint or dismiss officials, discipline members and dissolve party organisations. The rules also require Central Committee plenums at least every six months and allow the Politburo to make urgent wartime decisions. References to the achievements of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il were reduced, while the “two hostile states” approach toward South Korea was retained.
The amendments combine personalist power with more regularised party administration. Formal procedures can improve regime coordination while remaining subordinate to Kim’s ultimate authority, rather than creating meaningful collective leadership. Removing dynastic references also places greater ideological emphasis on Kim’s own record. The changes may therefore prepare the system for more durable long-term rule while enabling faster political and military decision-making during crises.
China Surveys Seabed East of Taiwan
China said its Ministry of Natural Resources surveyed waters east of Taiwan between August 10 and 31 to map seabed geology and support territorial planning and resource management. Taiwan’s coast guard had earlier shadowed and warned a Chinese research vessel operating near the island, its third appearance since May. China’s coast guard subsequently conducted another patrol east of Taiwan, while Taipei rejected Beijing’s claim of jurisdiction.
The activity combines scientific, administrative and strategic functions. Detailed seabed information supports resource policy but can also have military applications, including submarine operations, undersea surveillance and cable mapping. By publicly integrating the survey into national territorial planning, Beijing is normalising the exercise of jurisdiction around Taiwan without requiring a conventional military operation. Taipei’s response reflects concern that repeated civilian and coast-guard activities could gradually alter operational expectations.
China and Russia Promote Integration of Their Border Economies
Chinese Vice Premier Ding Xuexiang told Vladimir Putin that cooperation in Russia’s Far East had “broad and promising” prospects during the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok. Ding called for closer coordination between the Belt and Road Initiative and the Eurasian Economic Union, as well as between China’s Northeast revitalisation programme and Russia’s Far East development strategy. China is already the Russian Far East’s largest trading partner.
The initiative could expand cross-border logistics, energy exports and regional investment while redirecting Russia’s economic geography toward Asia. It also reflects Moscow’s increased dependence on Chinese markets since Western sanctions intensified. Nevertheless, declarations of strategic alignment do not automatically resolve weak infrastructure, investment risk and demographic constraints in Russia’s Far East. China is likely to pursue commercially advantageous projects without assuming responsibility for the region’s broader development.
India and Belgium Expand Trade and Defence Cooperation
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever agreed to strengthen economic, technological and security ties during De Wever’s September 2–4 visit. The two sides aim to double bilateral trade within five years and establish an investment fast-track mechanism. They also signed a defence letter of intent covering exchanges, training, research and industrial cooperation, alongside commitments involving clean energy, critical minerals, semiconductors, maritime security and talent mobility.
Belgium offers India advanced industrial capabilities and access to important European logistics and technology networks, while India provides market scale and opportunities for diversified supply chains. The relationship could benefit from the recently concluded India-EU free-trade negotiations, although implementation awaits signature and ratification. Defence cooperation remains at an early institutional stage; planned staff contacts and industrial projects will determine whether the new framework develops beyond political intent.
Quad Sherpas Prioritise Practical Cooperation in New Delhi
Senior officials from Australia, India, Japan and the United States met in New Delhi on September 3 to review implementation of decisions from the Quad foreign ministers’ meeting in May. The Sherpas discussed maritime and transnational security, economic resilience, critical and emerging technologies, humanitarian assistance and emergency response. They also began preparations for the grouping’s next ministerial meeting.
The meeting demonstrated continuity in the Quad’s working-level agenda despite shifts in domestic politics and competing international crises. Its emphasis on deliverable projects helps the grouping present itself as more than a China-focused security arrangement. However, the Quad remains an informal coordination mechanism without collective-defence obligations or a permanent secretariat. Its credibility will depend on whether members translate broad priorities into sustained, visible benefits for regional partners.
Taiwan Condemns China’s Conduct at Pacific Summit
Taiwanese Foreign Minister Lin Chia-lung accused China of “wolf warrior” diplomacy and alleged that Chinese plainclothes and security personnel conducted surveillance at events surrounding the Pacific Islands Forum. Lin thanked Palau for strengthening his security and criticised Beijing’s warnings of consequences over Taiwan’s presence. China rejected the allegations as fabricated and personally attacked Lin in its response.
The confrontation ensured that cross-Strait rivalry overshadowed part of a summit intended to focus on Pacific priorities. Taiwan sought to portray Chinese pressure as evidence that its participation should be protected, while Beijing attempted to narrow Taipei’s remaining diplomatic space. Lin’s espionage allegations were not independently substantiated in the report, but the exchange illustrated how protocol disputes can escalate into broader contests over sovereignty, influence and the autonomy of regional institutions.
To Lam Plans Diplomatic Tour across Russia, France and North America
Vietnamese Communist Party chief To Lam is expected to visit Russia and France from September 7–12, attend an international space summit in Paris and travel later in the month to the United States for the UN General Assembly. A subsequent visit to Canada is planned from September 24. The itinerary follows recent visits to Australia and New Zealand and reflects unusually intensive diplomatic activity by Vietnam’s most powerful leader.
The tour embodies Vietnam’s “bamboo diplomacy”: strengthening relations with competing major powers without entering an exclusive alignment. Russia remains a leading defence and energy partner, France offers cooperation in space, infrastructure and advanced technology, and the United States is central to trade and strategic balancing. The approach expands Hanoi’s options, but managing sanctions exposure, commercial disputes and competing partner expectations will become harder as geopolitical divisions sharpen.
South Korea and France Broaden Their Strategic Partnership
South Korean President Lee Jae Myung is scheduled to make a state visit to France from September 6–9. Lee and Emmanuel Macron will co-chair the Lumière Summit on challenges facing film and video industries, including artificial intelligence, social media and financing. Their bilateral summit and business roundtable will also address security, aerospace, biotechnology and AI following the establishment of a strategic partnership in April. ([Reuters](https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/south-koreas-president-lee-visit-france-summit-film-discussion-with-macron-2026-09-04/))
The visit broadens relations beyond their established commercial base and gives Seoul another channel for cooperation with a European Indo-Pacific actor. Cultural industries provide a visible foundation, while technology and defence offer greater strategic potential. Still, the new partnership requires concrete projects to acquire weight. France’s emphasis on strategic autonomy and South Korea’s alliance with the United States could create different priorities even where both governments support a wider regional role.
Seoul Reviews a Limited Military Contribution in Hormuz
South Korea is considering military and non-military options to support freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz but says no deployment decision has been made. Reported possibilities include a maritime patrol aircraft, logistics vessel or mine-clearance unit. Any overseas deployment would require National Assembly approval and must be weighed against readiness requirements on the Korean Peninsula. Seoul has discussed possible contributions with the United States, Britain and France.
The strait carried 61% of South Korea’s crude-oil imports and 54% of its naphtha imports last year, giving Seoul a direct economic interest in maritime security. A limited, non-combat mission could also reassure Washington amid alliance friction. Domestic consent remains uncertain, however: a March poll found 55% opposed dispatching warships. The options under review therefore appear designed to balance energy security and alliance expectations against escalation and political risk.
South Korea and Japan Establish Emergency Energy Dialogue
South Korea and Japan held their first official meeting in Tokyo to implement a bilateral supply-chain partnership. Officials agreed to deepen cooperation on emergency supplies of liquefied natural gas, crude oil and petroleum products. They also discussed coordinating responses to carbon-emissions requirements and supply-chain due-diligence measures, including the European Union’s carbon tariff.
The dialogue reflects the two import-dependent economies’ shared exposure to disruptions in Middle Eastern shipping and global commodity markets. Coordinated procurement, storage or emergency exchanges could improve resilience, although no binding sharing mechanism was announced. Cooperation on European regulations also shows how climate and trade rules are becoming part of regional economic security. The meeting is therefore an institutional starting point whose importance will depend on operational agreements and continued political stability in bilateral relations.
43% of Humanity, 23% of Global Economic Output
The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation’s ten members account for approximately 43% of the world’s population but only 23% of global economic output. This contrast captures both the SCO’s extraordinary reach and its structural imbalance. By bringing together China, India, Russia, Pakistan, Iran, Belarus and the Central Asian republics, the organisation encompasses a vast share of Eurasia’s population, territory, energy resources and emerging markets. Its wider diplomatic network now includes two observer states and 15 dialogue partners.
Yet demographic size should not be confused with institutional or economic cohesion. The SCO contains major power asymmetries, unresolved bilateral tensions and sharply different relationships with the West. Nor does it possess a common market, integrated economic governance or a collective-defence mechanism. Projects such as the proposed 7,200-kilometre International North–South Transport Corridor demonstrate its connectivity ambitions, but financing constraints, sanctions, customs barriers and incomplete infrastructure continue to impede implementation. The figures therefore establish the SCO as an increasingly important global platform—but not necessarily as a unified geopolitical or economic bloc.

Small Islands, Vast Strategic Space: The Pacific’s Geopolitical Weight
This week’s map highlights the striking disparity between the limited landmass and immense strategic space of the 14 Pacific Island countries. Together, they comprise approximately 518,000 square kilometres of land but possess exclusive economic zones covering an estimated 19.1 million square kilometres. Situated across and beyond the first and second island chains, these states occupy critical maritime approaches between Asia, Australia and the United States. The map also shows overlapping relationships: Palau, the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia maintain Compacts of Free Association with Washington; Palau, the Marshall Islands and Tuvalu recognise Taiwan; and several other states have policing or security arrangements with China.
What makes the map significant is that competition in the Pacific increasingly concerns diplomatic access, maritime presence and institutional influence—not simply development assistance. The Compact states provide the United States with strategically important access, while Beijing is seeking to isolate Taiwan and expand its regional security relationships. Yet the map should not be interpreted as dividing the Pacific into fixed rival camps. Policing agreements are not alliances, and most island governments continue to resist exclusive alignment. The geography explains why major powers are competing so intensely; the political outcome will still depend on how Pacific states exercise their own agency.

A Portrait of Multipolarity—and Its Fault Lines
This week’s photo shows the leaders of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation assembled in Bishkek on 1 September beneath a mountain backdrop and the organisation’s twenty-fifth-anniversary emblem. The carefully arranged line-up brings together Xi Jinping, Vladimir Putin, Narendra Modi, Masoud Pezeshkian and leaders from across Central and South Asia. The image projects geographical reach and diplomatic solidarity at a summit where members adopted the Bishkek Declaration, condemned attacks on Iran and unilateral sanctions, defended peaceful nuclear rights and endorsed deeper economic and energy cooperation.
What makes the photograph significant is the contrast between visual unity and political reality. China and Russia regard the SCO as an instrument for advancing a less Western-centred order, while Iran values the diplomatic protection it provides. India, however, treats the organisation as one component of its strategic autonomy rather than membership in an anti-Western bloc. India-Pakistan rivalry, differing positions on Ukraine and Russia’s growing dependence on China further constrain cohesion. The photograph therefore captures an increasingly consequential Eurasian forum—but not a unified alliance.

From Diamonds to Strategic Industries: India and Belgium Broaden Cooperation
This week’s infographic captures the widening scope of India-Belgium relations following Prime Ministers Narendra Modi and Bart De Wever’s summit in New Delhi. Its twin bridges illustrate the transition from a commercial relationship historically centred on the Antwerp-India diamond trade towards cooperation in strategic industries. The principal outcomes include a target to double bilateral trade within five years, an Investment Fast-Track Mechanism, expanded engagement between Belgium’s imec and India’s semiconductor ecosystem, a defence cooperation framework and multiple industrial agreements. Existing collaboration on equipment such as India’s Zorawar light tank further illustrates Belgium’s technological contribution.
The significance lies in the complementarity between Belgian expertise and India’s industrial scale. Cooperation now covers semiconductors, defence manufacturing, renewable energy, critical minerals, research and skilled mobility, anchored within the wider India-EU partnership. Nevertheless, the summit created frameworks rather than a strategic alliance. Counterterrorism and mobility mechanisms remain under negotiation, while defence and semiconductor ambitions require concrete projects. The partnership’s credibility will therefore depend on whether political commitments produce sustained investment, technology transfer and commercially viable co-production.
A New Era of India-Belgium Strategic Partnership! 🇮🇳🤝🇧🇪
A historic milestone has been reached in New Delhi as Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever held talks during the first visit by a Belgian Prime Minister to India in over two decades.… pic.twitter.com/JGjuNi39TI
— Beyond the Horizon (@BehorizonOrg) September 3, 2026
Networked Deterrence without an Asian NATO: ANZUS, the Quad and Orient Shield
Introduction
Indo-Pacific security cooperation is becoming denser, more interconnected and increasingly operational. The seventy-fifth anniversary of ANZUS, the Indo-Pacific Chiefs of Defense Conference, the Quad Sherpas’ meeting in New Delhi and the Japan–US–Australia Orient Shield exercise illustrate different layers of this emerging architecture. Together, they connect treaty allies, strategic partners, military commanders and civilian agencies across fields ranging from missile operations and maritime security to critical technologies and disaster response.
Yet these arrangements are not converging into a single regional alliance. They have different memberships, purposes and levels of commitment. Their significance lies instead in the cumulative effect of overlapping institutions: a flexible network designed to improve coordination and deterrence without requiring governments to accept the political and military obligations of an “Asian NATO.”
ANZUS at Seventy-Five
The meeting of US Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine with Australian Chief of the Defence Force Admiral David Johnston and New Zealand Chief of Defence Force Air Marshal Tony Davies in Victoria marked 75 years since the signing of the ANZUS Treaty. The commemoration highlighted the strategic continuity of the relationship and the three countries’ stated commitment to practical cooperation, capable forces and regional security.
The meeting took place alongside the 28th Indo-Pacific Chiefs of Defense Conference, which brought together 30 delegations representing 29 countries. Discussions covered cross-domain deterrence, emerging technologies, defence-industrial capacity, resilience and interoperability. The conference demonstrated how established alliances can serve as foundations for wider military networking: ANZUS supplies historical and political continuity, while forums involving a broader group of defence chiefs extend habits of consultation beyond formal allies.
However, the anniversary should not obscure ANZUS’s institutional limits. It does not possess an integrated command comparable to NATO’s, and the historical disruption of US treaty relations with New Zealand means that its contemporary importance rests heavily on bilateral cooperation and renewed trilateral coordination. ANZUS remains strategically relevant, but primarily as an enduring framework within a larger network rather than as the headquarters of a regional bloc.
The Quad’s Expanding Functional Agenda
The Quad occupies a different layer of this architecture. At their September 3 meeting in New Delhi, the Sherpas of Australia, India, Japan and the United States reviewed cooperation on maritime and transnational security, economic resilience, critical and emerging technologies, and humanitarian assistance and emergency response. They also prepared for the next foreign ministers’ meeting and emphasized practical, action-oriented initiatives supporting a free and open Indo-Pacific.
The breadth of this agenda is central to the Quad’s appeal. It allows the four governments to address strategic competition through maritime awareness, technological standards, secure supply chains and crisis response without defining the grouping as a military alliance. This is especially important for India, which supports closer cooperation with the United States and its allies while retaining strategic autonomy and avoiding treaty-based alignment.
That flexibility also imposes constraints. The Quad has no permanent secretariat, unified military command or collective-defence commitment. Its effectiveness depends on sustained political attention and the implementation of specific initiatives by national governments. It can reinforce regional resilience and shape the strategic environment, but it cannot automatically organize a combined military response during a crisis.
Orient Shield’s Operational Edge
Orient Shield represents the network’s more explicitly military dimension. The September 8–24 exercise is expected to involve approximately 3,700 personnel from Japan, the United States and Australia, making it the largest iteration of the exercise to date. It will also include the first exercise-related deployment to Japan of the US Typhon missile system, which can launch SM-6 missiles and Tomahawk cruise missiles. Russia has formally protested the deployment and warned that it may take compensatory measures.
The exercise demonstrates a movement from political consultation towards operational integration. Training involving mobile long-range fires, command-and-control systems and multinational forces strengthens interoperability and signals that participating militaries are preparing to operate together in contested environments. Australia’s involvement also links the US–Japan alliance more closely with other regional defence relationships.
The Typhon deployment nevertheless illustrates the risks accompanying networked deterrence. Although temporary, the presence of a longer-range strike system expands the geographical implications of an exercise and invites countermeasures from Russia as well as scrutiny from China. Greater operational integration may strengthen deterrence, but it can also intensify arms competition and increase the consequences of misperception.
A Network, Not a Bloc
These developments reveal a regional architecture built around overlapping participation rather than common membership. Australia connects ANZUS, the Quad and Orient Shield; Japan participates in the Quad and the exercise but not ANZUS; India belongs to the Quad while remaining outside the US alliance system; and New Zealand supports renewed ANZUS cooperation without joining the Quad. Wider conferences add still more partners, many of which do not share identical assessments of China, Russia or regional military risk.
This modular structure is partly a strategic advantage. Governments can cooperate in areas where their interests converge while avoiding commitments that would be politically unacceptable at home or unnecessarily provocative abroad. It also enables coalitions to be assembled around particular functions—maritime surveillance, technology, disaster relief, logistics or military readiness—rather than requiring agreement on every security question.
Its weakness is uncertainty. Unlike a unified alliance, the network provides no automatic mechanism for deciding who would act, with what forces and under whose command during a major confrontation. Its deterrent credibility therefore depends on national decisions, sustained investment and the ability to convert frequent consultation into coordinated action.
Conclusion
Describing these arrangements as an “Asian NATO” would obscure more than it explains. The Indo-Pacific is not developing a single collective-defence organization with unified command, common membership and a fully shared threat assessment. It is developing a layered system in which treaties provide strategic anchors, minilateral forums organize practical cooperation and military exercises build operational connectivity.
The result is best understood as networked deterrence: flexible, increasingly capable and politically adaptable, but less predictable than a formal bloc. Its success will ultimately depend not on the number of meetings and exercises conducted, but on whether overlapping partnerships can generate credible coordination when regional security is placed under real pressure.
From Chokepoints to Corridors: Asia’s Search for Energy Resilience
Introduction
The disruption surrounding the Strait of Hormuz has turned Asia’s longstanding energy vulnerability into an immediate strategic problem. Major Asian economies remain heavily dependent on imported oil and liquefied natural gas transported through maritime chokepoints. Their responses are now unfolding across three levels: protecting existing sea lanes, sharing supplies during emergencies, and investing in alternative energy sources and transport corridors.
These measures indicate a broader shift from efficiency-based energy policy towards resilience. Yet they are not equally effective—and some may merely exchange dependence on Middle Eastern waterways for reliance on Russian resources, Chinese infrastructure or politically exposed continental routes.
Hormuz: Energy Security Becomes a Military Question
South Korea’s deliberations over supporting freedom of navigation in Hormuz show how energy security is becoming inseparable from military policy. Seoul is considering options including a maritime-patrol aircraft, logistics vessel or mine-detection and clearance unit, although the presidential office has stressed that no deployment has been decided. Parliamentary approval, military readiness on the Korean Peninsula and relations with Iran all remain relevant constraints.
A limited contribution could protect South Korean commercial interests while demonstrating alliance burden-sharing to Washington. However, it would manage the symptoms of vulnerability rather than remove them. Naval escorts and mine-clearance capabilities can reduce navigational risk, but they cannot guarantee uninterrupted flows during a sustained regional conflict.
South Korea and Japan Pool Their Vulnerabilities
Seoul and Tokyo are also pursuing a less militarized form of resilience. At their first meeting to implement a bilateral supply-chain partnership, officials agreed to deepen cooperation on emergency supplies of LNG, crude oil and petroleum products. Such arrangements could permit cargo swaps, coordinated stock releases and logistical assistance when one country faces a localized disruption.
The limitation is obvious: Japan and South Korea are exposed to many of the same suppliers, shipping routes and price shocks. Cooperation can improve crisis management, but two import-dependent states cannot fully insure one another against a prolonged global shortage. The arrangement is therefore a useful buffer, not an alternative supply system.
Vietnam’s Nuclear Insurance—and Its Russian Component
Vietnam is pursuing structural diversification by returning to nuclear power. The National Assembly has approved an agreement with Russia for the 2.4-gigawatt Ninh Thuan 1 plant, comprising two VVER-1200 reactors supplied by Rosatom. If completed, the project would expand domestically generated baseload electricity while reducing the exposure of Vietnam’s growing economy to imported fossil fuels.
Nuclear power nevertheless creates a different dependency structure. Construction, finance, reactor technology, fuel services, maintenance and waste management can bind the recipient to the supplier for decades. The project also faces long lead times, cost risks and demanding regulatory requirements. It is consequently a long-term hedge—not a response to the present disruption—and its contribution to autonomy will depend on whether Hanoi diversifies suppliers and develops sufficient domestic expertise.
Corridors Do Not Abolish Geography
The SCO’s transport agenda and the proposed 7,200-kilometre International North–South Transport Corridor reflect efforts to create alternatives to established maritime routes. Yet the corridor is principally a multimodal freight network, not a direct substitute for the enormous volumes of oil and LNG transported by sea. Moreover, routes using Iranian ports inside the Persian Gulf may remain exposed to Hormuz; only configurations using ports such as Chabahar genuinely bypass the strait.
The Northern Sea Route offers a different alternative. Rosatom has authorized seven Chinese vessels to transit the Russian Arctic in 2026, while Sea Legend Shipping plans the first regular seasonal container service between China and Europe. The route avoids the Suez Canal and Red Sea, and Russian Arctic oil shipments can provide Asian buyers with supplies outside the Gulf. However, seasonal ice, specialized vessels, high insurance and infrastructure costs continue to prevent it from becoming a straightforward replacement for southern routes.
China’s growing involvement in Russia’s Far East reinforces this northern option. Vice Premier Ding Xuexiang has called for closer alignment between China’s northeastern development strategy, the Belt and Road Initiative, Russia’s Far East and the Eurasian Economic Union. China is already the Russian Far East’s largest trading partner.
Conclusion: Prioritization Requires Capacity
The emerging strategy is not simply to replace ships with railways or hydrocarbons with nuclear power. Genuine resilience requires diversity across suppliers, fuels, transport routes, storage facilities and political relationships. A Russian-built reactor, an Arctic route governed by Moscow or a continental corridor shaped by Chinese financing may reduce exposure to one chokepoint while creating new forms of geopolitical leverage.
Asia’s search for resilience is therefore real but incomplete. Emergency cooperation can absorb short disruptions; nuclear power can alter the long-term energy mix; and continental or Arctic routes can provide supplementary capacity. None can individually replace the affordability and scale of existing maritime trade. The decisive test is whether governments build genuinely redundant systems—or simply relocate their dependence from Hormuz to another strategically vulnerable partner or corridor.
