
21 JULY 2026
This week’s edition unfolds in a regional environment where technological governance is becoming an instrument of geopolitical organisation. China sits at the centre of this shift. The launch of the 29-member World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization transforms Beijing’s calls for inclusive AI governance into a permanent institutional platform linking open-source models, training programmes, technical standards and development cooperation. Its Global South-centred membership does not yet establish a universal alternative to Western frameworks. Pakistan and Kazakhstan’s early participation shows how Beijing is linking bilateral partnerships to an institutional network while contesting who writes the rules of AI governance.
At the same time, strategic partnerships are being converted into industrial capacity and operational networks. The United States and Australia are financing critical-mineral projects intended to reduce dependence on China-dominated supply chains, while Canada’s observer status in the Global Combat Air Programme extends Indo-Pacific defence-industrial cooperation into the Euro-Atlantic space. New Zealand and Fiji’s renewed Duavata Partnership strengthens an emerging Pacific network built around maritime security, policing, intelligence, resilience and development. These arrangements remain less integrated than formal alliances, but their cumulative value lies in creating access, interoperability and supply-chain options before a regional crisis. They also raise the cost of remaining isolated for smaller states.
This issue also reveals how economic interdependence is producing sharper political leverage rather than insulating relations from confrontation. Friedrich Merz’s demand for a freer-floating renminbi expands Europe’s dispute with China beyond subsidies and market access. India is trying to preserve a trade framework with Washington despite legal uncertainty surrounding U.S. tariffs, while Chinese airlines’ large Airbus order demonstrates that commercial opportunity continues even amid strategic friction. Meanwhile, new U.S. visa restrictions, Trump’s election-interference allegations and Beijing’s threatened retaliation show how domestic politics can rapidly destabilise an otherwise cautious diplomatic truce. The result is managed instability, not genuine normalisation.
Taken together, the developments in this edition point to an Asia where institution-building, deterrence and economic security are increasingly inseparable. North Korea’s criticism of Seoul’s role in RIMPAC, Taiwan’s proposed drone package, India’s restrictions on seafarer deployments through the Strait of Hormuz and preliminary Pakistan–Kuwait defence talks all show governments preparing for risks that cross traditional regional boundaries. The central question is no longer whether states recognise the strategic value of technology, resources and networks. They do. The harder question is whether these initiatives can produce credible capabilities without deepening dependence, fragmentation and rivalry across an already contested and increasingly brittle regional order.
- Key Developments
- Statistics of the Week
- Map of the Week
- Photo of the Week
- Infographic of the Week
- Regional Alliances
- Analysis
Merz Presses China for a Freer-Floating Yuan
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz called for direct talks with China over its exchange-rate policy, arguing that European companies cannot compete fairly if Beijing artificially manages the renminbi. Speaking at the University of Cologne, Merz said the European Union was seeking to persuade China to allow its currency to float more freely, including in relation to capital-market competition. His intervention shifts Germany’s economic debate with China beyond tariffs, subsidies and market access toward the monetary conditions shaping bilateral trade.
The significance lies in Berlin’s attempt to place currency policy within Europe’s wider economic-security agenda. The EU recorded a €359.8 billion goods-trade deficit with China in 2025, while the IMF has also recommended greater exchange-rate flexibility—although it has not explicitly called for the renminbi to appreciate. This is therefore not proof that China’s currency alone explains Europe’s competitiveness problems, but it indicates that Berlin may press Brussels to treat exchange-rate management alongside industrial subsidies and market-access barriers. The harder test is whether Merz can build a coordinated EU position without triggering another major economic dispute with Beijing.
India Says U.S. Trade Framework Is Ready for Signature
India’s Trade Secretary Rajesh Agrawal said negotiations with the United States were progressing well and that New Delhi saw no obstacle to concluding the agreement. He said the framework was ready and would be signed when the timing was appropriate. The two governments had agreed in February to an arrangement imposing an 18% U.S. tariff on Indian goods in return for India lowering trade barriers and purchasing more American products. However, finalisation became uncertain after the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated President Donald Trump’s broad global tariffs. Most Indian goods currently face a 10% U.S. tariff.
The significance lies in India’s effort to preserve preferential access to the U.S. market despite continuing uncertainty over Washington’s tariff policy. Agrawal indicated that the value of the deal would depend on securing advantages relative to competing exporters, rather than simply reaching an agreement. This is therefore not evidence that all outstanding risks have disappeared: Washington is considering new tariffs through investigations into industrial overcapacity and forced-labour-linked trade. The harder test is whether both sides can structure durable preferences that survive legal challenges and further changes in U.S. trade policy.
New Zealand and Fiji Renew Duavata Partnership Through 2030
New Zealand and Fiji renewed their Duavata Partnership for 2026–2030 during talks in Auckland between Foreign Ministers Winston Peters and Sakiasi Ditoka. The framework sets cooperation priorities across democracy and governance, economic resilience, peace and security, social development, climate action and disaster preparedness. It also reaffirms the goal of increasing bilateral trade to NZ$2 billion by 2030 and expands cooperation in policing, defence, cybersecurity, intelligence sharing, maritime security, border management and humanitarian relief.
The significance lies in how Wellington and Suva are embedding their close relationship within a broader Pacific-led regional architecture. This is not a formal defence alliance: the Duavata framework combines security cooperation with economic, social and climate priorities. However, its renewal coincides with New Zealand’s exploratory discussions about joining the Australia–Fiji Ocean of Peace Alliance, giving the partnership greater strategic relevance amid intensifying competition in the Pacific. The harder test is whether both governments can convert broad commitments into measurable trade growth, stronger regional resilience and sustained operational cooperation without allowing major-power rivalry to dominate the relationship.
Kazakhstan Deepens China Ties and Joins International Mediation Body
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and his Kazakh counterpart Yermek Kosherbayev agreed in Beijing to deepen practical cooperation and strategic coordination. Kazakhstan reaffirmed that relations with China remain a foreign-policy priority, endorsed the one-China principle and said bilateral trust would not be affected by third parties. The ministers also discussed artificial-intelligence cooperation, including Kazakhstan’s support for China’s proposed World AI Cooperation Organization, and the goal of doubling bilateral trade after turnover reached a record $48.7 billion in 2025. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev is expected to visit China for the 2026 World AI Conference and a high-level meeting on global AI governance.
The significance lies in Kazakhstan’s effort to embed its expanding economic relationship with China within new diplomatic and technology-governance institutions. Kosherbayev’s signing of the convention establishing the International Organization for Mediation gives Beijing’s emerging multilateral initiative additional Central Asian participation. This does not mean Kazakhstan is abandoning its independent, multi-vector foreign policy. The harder test is whether Astana can benefit from deeper Chinese trade, investment and technological cooperation while preserving room for balanced relations with Russia, Europe and other external partners.
India Bars New Seafarer Deployments Through Strait of Hormuz
India’s Directorate General of Shipping ordered shipowners, managers and recruitment agencies to stop deploying Indian seafarers on vessels transiting the Strait of Hormuz until further notice, citing sharply increased risks from renewed regional fighting. The directive followed attacks that killed two Indian crew members within three days. Vessel masters operating in the Persian Gulf and adjoining waters were also instructed to maintain heightened vigilance and continuously monitor navigational warnings. India, the world’s third-largest supplier of seafarers, has more than 300,000 personnel serving across global fleets.
The significance lies in how conflict around a strategic maritime chokepoint is directly disrupting the Indo-Pacific labour force underpinning global shipping. The order may prevent additional crews from entering danger, but it does not resolve the position of more than 15,000 Indian seafarers reportedly stranded west of the strait. New Delhi has also protested to Iran over one of the deaths. The harder test is whether India and international maritime authorities can secure safe passage or evacuation for crews already trapped while limiting wider disruption to energy shipments and commercial trade.
Canada Secures Observer Status in GCAP Fighter Programme
Canada has reached an agreement to become the first observer in the Global Combat Air Programme, the British–Italian–Japanese initiative developing a next-generation stealth fighter for service by 2035. A formal announcement is expected at the Farnborough International Airshow. Observer status carries no immediate financial commitment or participation in GCAP contracts, but could give Ottawa access to sensitive programme information and create opportunities to contribute technologies such as advanced flight simulation.
The significance lies in GCAP’s first expansion beyond its three founding members and Canada’s effort to diversify defence-industrial cooperation beyond the United States. This is not yet a decision to purchase the future aircraft or become a full development partner; Ottawa has confirmed only the first 16 of its planned F-35 fleet and continues reviewing its longer-term fighter requirements. The harder test is whether observer access develops into meaningful Canadian industrial participation without creating an expensive and operationally complex mixed-fighter strategy.
Xi and Tokayev Expand China–Kazakhstan Cooperation into AI and Connectivity
Chinese President Xi Jinping and Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev agreed in Shanghai to deepen their permanent comprehensive strategic partnership across trade, transport, energy, minerals and digital technologies. Xi called for a more diversified trade structure, stronger cross-border e-commerce and services, additional direct flights and easier international road transport. China also offered to share artificial-intelligence and digital-economy technologies supporting Kazakhstan’s digital transformation. Tokayev, attending the World Artificial Intelligence Conference, endorsed closer coordination on global AI governance. The leaders witnessed agreements covering trade, transport, finance and media.
The significance lies in how bilateral ties are expanding beyond hydrocarbons and transit infrastructure into technological standards and digital governance. Kazakhstan offers China critical resources and overland connectivity across Eurasia, while Beijing can provide investment, markets and technology. This is not evidence that Astana is abandoning its multi-vector foreign policy, which formally prioritises diversified relations and strategic autonomy. The harder test is whether Kazakhstan can secure technology transfer and higher-value trade without creating excessive economic or technological dependence on China.
Trump’s Election Claims Put U.S.–China Truce Under Pressure
U.S. President Donald Trump accused China of interfering in the 2020 presidential election during a 25-minute prime-time address, claiming Beijing had illicitly obtained data concerning 220 million American voters. Trump declassified documents that he said exposed serious vulnerabilities and urged Congress to adopt stricter voter-identification, citizenship and mail-voting requirements. However, he presented no evidence that China altered votes or election results, and a 2021 U.S. intelligence assessment found no indication that any foreign actor manipulated the technical conduct of the election. Beijing rejected the allegations as fabrication and a malicious smear campaign.
The significance lies in how a domestically focused election-security campaign could destabilise the cautiously improving U.S.–China relationship. Trump’s accusations marked a sharp departure from his recent conciliatory approach toward Xi Jinping following their May meeting and last year’s suspension of an escalating tariff conflict. This was not an announcement of new sanctions or punitive action against Beijing, suggesting China may initially treat the speech as midterm-election politics. The harder test is whether the dispute disrupts plans for a possible Xi visit to Washington in September or revives confrontation over trade and strategic competition.
U.S. and Australia Build Critical-Minerals Supply Chain
U.S. President Donald Trump and Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese signed a bilateral framework committing each government to provide at least $1 billion within six months for critical-mineral mining and processing projects. The agreement covers financing, faster permitting, coordinated project selection and potential price floors intended to protect Western producers from non-market competition. Washington’s Export-Import Bank also issued preliminary financing offers exceeding $2.2 billion for seven Australian projects.
The significance lies in turning the U.S.–Australia alliance into an industrial strategy aimed at reducing dependence on China-dominated mineral supply chains. An early priority is the Alcoa–Sojitz gallium-recovery facility at Wagerup in Western Australia, backed by Australia, the United States and Japan, which could eventually supply up to 10% of global gallium demand. Gallium is essential for semiconductors and defence systems. However, the framework is not legally binding, and its credibility will depend on whether financing, offtake agreements and price protections can move projects from political announcement to commercial production.
Kim Hosts Wang Huning as China Reinforces North Korea Ties
North Korean leader Kim Jong Un met Wang Huning, China’s fourth-ranking official, in Pyongyang during another high-level exchange between the two allies. Both sides pledged to implement the agreements reached during Chinese President Xi Jinping’s June visit to North Korea—the first by a Chinese leader in seven years—which included expanding political, economic and cultural cooperation and strengthening strategic communication. Wang also called for closer exchanges between the ruling parties and greater practical cooperation.
The significance lies in Beijing’s effort to restore momentum in its relationship with Pyongyang as North Korea deepens military and political cooperation with Russia. Wang’s seniority and the rapid follow-up to Xi’s visit suggest China wants to preserve its influence over developments on the Korean Peninsula rather than allow Moscow to become Pyongyang’s dominant external partner. This is not evidence that North Korea is distancing itself from Russia. The harder test is whether renewed China–North Korea engagement produces substantive economic and diplomatic coordination, or remains largely symbolic amid Kim’s increasingly diversified external partnerships.
North Korea Condemns Seoul’s Leading Role in RIMPAC
North Korean state media denounced South Korea as a U.S. “puppet” for its participation in the 2026 Rim of the Pacific Exercise, warning that Seoul and Washington would bear responsibility for any “unpredictable escalation” in the region. The U.S.-led exercise in Hawaii brought together around 30 countries, including Japan, Australia and Canada, and saw the South Korean Navy lead its maritime forces for the first time. Pyongyang described RIMPAC as a demonstration of war directed against Indo-Pacific states rather than a routine defensive drill.
The significance lies in how South Korea’s expanding operational role within multinational security networks is intensifying North Korea’s threat perceptions. Pyongyang also criticised a separate U.S.–South Korean Marine Corps exercise involving the USS Essex, alleging that it rehearsed infiltration into enemy rear areas. This is not evidence of an imminent confrontation, but the rhetoric reinforces an action–reaction cycle in which allied exercises and South Korean cooperation with Japan and NATO are used to justify North Korea’s own naval modernisation. The harder test is preventing routine military activity from producing miscalculation around the peninsula.
China and Pakistan Expand Strategic Partnership into AI Governance
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi met Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mohammad Ishaq Dar in Shanghai, where both sides agreed to deepen their “all-weather” strategic partnership and implement understandings reached by their leaders. Dar visited China to attend the World Artificial Intelligence Conference and sign the agreement establishing the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization on Pakistan’s behalf. He described Pakistan as an honoured founding member and called for stronger bilateral AI cooperation. Pakistan was among 29 countries that established the Shanghai-based intergovernmental body.
The significance lies in how China–Pakistan relations are expanding beyond infrastructure, defence and the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor into technology diplomacy and global rule-setting. Beijing presents the new organization as a mechanism for building AI capacity and widening access for developing countries, while Pakistan gains another institutional channel for Chinese technology and expertise. Dar also pledged stronger protection for Chinese personnel, institutions and projects in Pakistan, underscoring that recurring security threats remain a central vulnerability. The harder test is whether political alignment produces practical AI cooperation while Islamabad delivers credible security for Chinese interests.
China Launches 29-Nation AI Body as Xi Sets Governance Agenda
Twenty-nine countries signed an agreement in Shanghai establishing the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization, a China-backed intergovernmental body intended to promote international cooperation and AI governance. Founding members include China, Russia, Brazil, Belarus, Serbia, Cuba and Venezuela, alongside 10 African and 12 Asian countries. The organization will be headquartered in Shanghai. At the World Artificial Intelligence Conference, President Xi Jinping promoted open-source AI, pledged training and cooperation centres for developing regions, and called for human oversight, early-warning systems and stronger safeguards against loss-of-control risks.
The significance lies in Beijing’s conversion of technological progress into a formal diplomatic platform. China is presenting affordable, open-source models and capacity-building as an alternative to U.S.-centred technology frameworks, particularly for Global South countries seeking greater influence over AI rules. This is not yet a global consensus: participation remains concentrated among developing and politically China-aligned states. The harder test is whether the organization can produce practical standards, financing and safety cooperation without accelerating the fragmentation of global AI governance into competing blocs.
Lai Urges Bipartisan Support for Taiwan’s Drone Defences
Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te called on parliament to approve a proposed NT$210 billion (about US$6.5 billion) package for surveillance, coastal-attack and small surface drones through 2031. Speaking during a visit to the National Chung-Shan Institute of Science and Technology, Lai said intensifying Chinese pressure required Taiwan to answer international calls to share responsibility for “collective defence.” The opposition-controlled legislature previously approved only two-thirds of his requested NT$1.25 trillion supplementary defence budget, limiting funding to U.S. weapons purchases.
The significance lies in Taiwan’s effort to strengthen asymmetric capabilities while demonstrating greater responsibility for its own defence. Lai pointed to the wars in Ukraine and Iran as evidence that drones have become central battlefield assets, while Washington has urged Taiwan to build a dense “hornet’s nest” of unmanned systems. This is not merely an arms-procurement dispute: parliamentary resistance risks delaying domestic production and weakening Taiwan’s deterrence signal. The harder test is whether partisan competition can be contained sufficiently to fund an integrated drone force before Chinese military pressure intensifies further.
Pakistan and Kuwait Explore Expanded Defence-for-Energy Pact
Pakistan and Kuwait are discussing an expanded defence agreement tied to energy cooperation and investment, although negotiations remain preliminary. Kuwait reportedly wants a substantially stronger Pakistani security presence, potentially including troops, fighter aircraft, drones, air-defence systems and supporting facilities. The proposal would build on their more limited 2023 agreement covering military training and joint exercises. Pakistani officials, however, stressed that Islamabad is not currently considering deploying combat troops, while one regional source questioned whether the talks would ultimately produce a formal defence pact.
The significance lies in Gulf governments’ search for additional security partners amid doubts about the reliability of traditional U.S. protection and heightened confrontation with Iran. Pakistan offers a large military, domestic fighter production and close relations with both Washington and Gulf monarchies; in return, Islamabad seeks investment, fuel reserves and potentially bonded storage arrangements with Kuwait. This is not yet an alliance comparable to Pakistan’s pact with Saudi Arabia. The harder test is whether Islamabad can gain economic support without overextending its forces or compromising its ability to mediate regional conflicts.
Rubio’s ASEAN Visit Could Prepare Second Trump–Xi Summit
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio will travel to Manila for ASEAN-related meetings, where he is widely expected to meet Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and discuss preparations for a possible second summit this year between Presidents Donald Trump and Xi Jinping. Neither government has confirmed the bilateral meeting, but Trump has said Xi could visit the United States in late September. Rubio will attend the ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference, East Asia Summit Foreign Ministers’ Meeting and ASEAN Regional Forum, alongside ministers from China, Russia, Japan, Australia, Canada and Britain.
The significance lies in Washington’s attempt to manage strategic competition with Beijing while preserving the stability created by their temporary trade truce. Rubio is expected to raise China’s actions in the South China Sea, although analysts anticipate a calibrated approach designed not to derail summit preparations. The meetings will also address the Iran war’s economic effects, Myanmar and regional scam centres. This is not evidence of a broader U.S.–China rapprochement: deep disputes over trade, security and maritime claims remain. The harder test is whether summit diplomacy can contain those tensions without weakening U.S. reassurance to Southeast Asian partners.
Chinese Airlines Place $17.8 Billion Airbus Order
Air China, Shenzhen Airlines and Hainan Airlines agreed to purchase 95 Airbus aircraft with a combined list price of approximately $17.8 billion. Air China will acquire 15 A350-900 wide-body jets, while Shenzhen Airlines and Hainan Airlines will each purchase 40 A320neo-family aircraft. Deliveries are scheduled between 2028 and 2032, although the airlines said actual prices would be substantially below catalogue values because of standard bulk-order discounts.
The significance lies in Chinese carriers’ continued fleet expansion and modernisation despite weak profitability and elevated fuel costs. The aircraft will support long-haul growth, increase capacity and replace ageing jets with more fuel-efficient models. The orders also strengthen Airbus’s position in the world’s second-largest aviation market, following major recent purchases by China Eastern, China Southern and Xiamen Airlines. This is not necessarily evidence of politically motivated procurement, but the scale of successive Airbus deals places additional commercial pressure on Boeing. The harder test is whether projected passenger growth can justify these investments while Chinese airlines continue facing high operating costs and financial losses.
China Threatens Retaliation over New U.S. Visa Restrictions
The Trump administration introduced fixed admission periods for foreign students, exchange visitors and journalists, replacing rules that generally allowed them to remain for the duration of their programmes or employment. Student and exchange visas will be capped at four years, while journalist visas will be limited to 240 days. Chinese journalists face a stricter 90-day limit, although affected visa holders may apply for extensions. The rules are scheduled to take effect 60 days after publication, subject to congressional review.
The significance lies in how tighter immigration controls are creating another source of U.S.–China friction. Beijing called the restrictions discriminatory, demanded their withdrawal and warned that it could impose reciprocal countermeasures, arguing that the limits violate a 2021 bilateral understanding on media access. This is not solely a China-focused measure, since the regulations also affect international students and exchange visitors globally. However, the special limit on Chinese journalists could further restrict media operations and deepen retaliatory pressure on foreign correspondents. The harder test is whether both governments can prevent visa policy from further narrowing already constrained channels of information and academic exchange.
Papua New Guinea Closure Deepens Taiwan’s Diplomatic Isolation
Papua New Guinea ordered the closure of Taiwan’s representative office in Port Moresby, drawing praise from Beijing and condemnation from Taipei and Washington. PNG Foreign Minister Justin Tkatchenko announced the decision despite the office having operated without formal diplomatic recognition, as Papua New Guinea recognises the People’s Republic of China. Taiwan’s Vice President Hsiao Bi-khim said the move reflected Beijing’s effort to suppress Taiwan “everywhere,” while the U.S. State Department described it as another example of Chinese intimidation against Taiwan and its international partners.
The significance lies in China’s continuing effort to narrow Taiwan’s unofficial as well as formal diplomatic space across the Pacific. Taiwan now retains only 12 diplomatic allies worldwide, including Palau, Tuvalu and the Marshall Islands in the region. The closure does not represent a change in Papua New Guinea’s formal recognition policy, but it removes an important channel for economic and people-to-people engagement. The harder test is whether Taiwan and its partners can preserve substantive regional relationships as Beijing increasingly pressures governments to restrict even unofficial representation.
India–Indonesia Defence Ambition Outpaces Trade Momentum
This week’s statistics show a relationship gaining strategic depth despite weakening commercial momentum. Bilateral trade rose from roughly $17.5 billion in 2020–21 to a record $38.84 billion in 2022–23, before declining to $29.8 billion in 2023–24 and $28.15 billion in 2024–25. The graphic’s final point should be corrected: current Indian government data place FY2025–26 trade at $24.78 billion, not approximately $31 billion. Its $200 million, two-battery BrahMos figure is also not confirmed; Reuters reported a value of around $630 million, while the official contract announcement disclosed no details.
The figures therefore depict strategic expansion alongside commercial contraction—not a stabilised growth phase. BrahMos procurement and Astra cooperation could strengthen Indonesia’s maritime and air-defence capabilities while establishing India as a more credible regional arms supplier. Steel and critical-mineral ventures are intended to diversify trade beyond coal and palm oil, but their economic impact remains prospective. The harder test is whether these projects can reverse the post-2022 trade decline while surviving financing, integration and delivery challenges.

WAICO’s Global South-Centred Membership
This week’s map shows the 29 founding members of the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization, established in Shanghai on 16 July. Its geographical centre of gravity is unmistakable: 12 members are in Asia and 10 in Africa, forming a broad corridor from China and Central Asia through Southeast Asia to eastern and southern Africa. Russia, Belarus and Serbia extend the organization into Europe, while Brazil, Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela provide a limited Latin American and Caribbean presence.
The map also reveals WAICO’s limitations. The United States, major European economies, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia and most technologically advanced AI states remain outside the organization. WAICO therefore does not yet represent global consensus; it is an emerging coalition centred on developing countries and governments receptive to China’s development-first approach to AI governance. Beijing’s advantage lies in offering training, infrastructure and access to countries concerned about exclusion from Western-controlled technology ecosystems. Its harder test is converting this geographical reach into credible financing, computing capacity, safety standards and meaningful technological autonomy rather than reproducing dependence on Chinese platforms.

China and Pakistan Extend Their Partnership into AI Governance
This week’s photograph captures the formal diplomacy surrounding Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s meeting with Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mohammad Ishaq Dar in Shanghai. Dar travelled to China to attend the World Artificial Intelligence Conference and sign the founding agreement of the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization on Pakistan’s behalf. Wang presented the new body as a platform for building consensus, expanding practical cooperation and helping Global South countries benefit more equally from artificial-intelligence development.
The handshake before the Chinese and Pakistani flags reflects a partnership expanding beyond its established foundations in defence, infrastructure and the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor. Pakistan’s role as a WAICO founding member gives Beijing an important partner in its effort to construct an alternative AI-governance framework centred on access, capacity-building and developing-country representation. Yet the meeting also exposed a persistent weakness: Dar again pledged stronger protection for Chinese personnel, institutions and projects in Pakistan. The photograph therefore represents both widening strategic alignment and the security risks that could constrain its implementation.

WAICO and China’s Bid to Shape Global AI Governance
This week’s infographic examines the emergence of the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization, established in Shanghai by 29 founding countries. Its membership is concentrated in Asia, Africa and other parts of the Global South, with Russia, Brazil, Belarus, Serbia, Cuba and Venezuela among the prominent participants. China presents WAICO as a platform for capacity-building, open-source development and greater representation for countries that believe existing AI governance frameworks are dominated by Western governments and technology companies.
The infographic also links China’s diplomatic ambitions to its expanding domestic computing ecosystem. Beijing portrays affordable AI as a global public good while resisting regulatory approaches it argues could restrict innovation. Huawei’s Ascend processors, large-scale computing clusters and emerging “supernodes” are presented as the technological foundation for reducing dependence on U.S.-controlled chips and platforms. WAICO therefore represents more than another multilateral institution: it is an attempt to connect Chinese technology, standards and development assistance to an alternative model of global AI governance. The harder test is whether the organization can establish credible safety standards and deliver practical benefits without becoming primarily an instrument for geopolitical and technological bloc-building.
🇮🇳🤝🇮🇩 India–Indonesia Partnership Enters a More Strategic Phase
India and Indonesia have moved to deepen their strategic partnership with new agreements covering defence, critical minerals, agriculture, steel, and trade.
The meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and… pic.twitter.com/0actGblrcI
— Beyond the Horizon (@BehorizonOrg) July 8, 2026
Australia’s Pacific Strategy Becomes More Networked
Introduction
Australia’s regional alliance architecture is no longer developing solely through traditional bilateral defence agreements or its formal alliance with the United States. Across the Pacific, Canberra is increasingly relying on overlapping partnerships that combine security cooperation with climate resilience, economic development, maritime governance and disaster response. The renewal of the New Zealand–Fiji Duavata Partnership for 2026–2030 illustrates this shift. Although Australia is not a party to the agreement, its strategic significance lies in how Wellington and Suva are strengthening the institutional foundations of a wider Pacific security network in which Canberra remains a central actor.
The Duavata framework expands cooperation across policing, defence, intelligence sharing, cybersecurity, border management, maritime security and humanitarian assistance. At the same time, it preserves priorities that Pacific governments consider inseparable from security, including climate action, social development, democratic governance and economic resilience. This matters for Australia because any durable regional architecture must respond to local definitions of security rather than treating the Pacific primarily as an arena of strategic competition with China.
From Bilateral Partnerships to Regional Networks
Australia has traditionally exercised regional influence through separate bilateral relationships, defence assistance, development programmes and its leading role in Pacific institutions. The emerging model is more interconnected. New Zealand’s renewed partnership with Fiji strengthens the operational compatibility of two countries already closely linked to Australia through defence, intelligence and regional diplomacy. Cooperation between Wellington and Suva can therefore reinforce Australian objectives even without direct Australian control.
This networked approach offers practical advantages. Fiji is an influential political and military actor among Pacific island countries, while New Zealand possesses established capabilities in training, maritime surveillance, policing and disaster response. Deeper cooperation between them can improve regional readiness and reduce the burden on Australia as the default provider of emergency and security assistance. It also creates more politically acceptable forms of regional engagement, since Pacific governments may be more receptive to initiatives framed as collective or Pacific-led rather than Australian-led.
However, this should not be mistaken for the emergence of a NATO-style alliance system. The Duavata Partnership contains no automatic defence commitment, integrated command structure or binding collective-security guarantee. Its strength lies precisely in its flexibility, but that flexibility also limits its deterrent value. Broad declarations covering everything from trade to cybersecurity may produce political goodwill without necessarily generating deployable capabilities.
The Ocean of Peace Alliance as a Strategic Test
The partnership gains additional relevance because New Zealand is exploring participation in the Australia–Fiji Ocean of Peace Alliance. If developed, that initiative could link Canberra, Suva and Wellington more closely around maritime security, crisis coordination and regional stability. It would also allow Australia to present its Pacific strategy as a shared regional project rather than an externally imposed response to Chinese influence.
Yet the concept remains strategically ambiguous. The language of an “Ocean of Peace” reflects Pacific preferences for sovereignty, non-alignment and protection from major-power rivalry. Australia, by contrast, must also consider deterrence, access and strategic competition. These objectives are not automatically compatible. If the initiative becomes visibly directed against China, it may alienate governments that seek partnerships with both Beijing and Canberra. If it remains too politically cautious, it may add another diplomatic framework without improving regional security capacity.
Economic Credibility and Strategic Influence
The Duavata Partnership’s goal of lifting New Zealand–Fiji trade to NZ$2 billion by 2030 highlights another lesson for Australia: regional influence cannot rest on defence cooperation alone. Pacific governments judge partnerships through labour mobility, infrastructure, market access, climate financing and disaster support. Australia’s alliances will be credible only if their economic and social benefits are sustained beyond summit declarations.
This is particularly important because China’s regional presence is built not merely through security agreements but through investment, construction and political access. Australia cannot counter that influence through military signalling alone. Its comparative advantage lies in combining security relationships with long-term institutional, economic and people-to-people ties.
Conclusion
The renewed Duavata Partnership strengthens Australia’s regional position indirectly by reinforcing the network surrounding it. It demonstrates that the future of Pacific security will be built through overlapping, issue-based partnerships rather than rigid blocs. For Canberra, the opportunity is to support a genuinely Pacific-led architecture linking Australia, New Zealand and Fiji across defence, maritime security, resilience and development. The risk is that broad frameworks remain underfunded or become instruments of major-power competition. Australia’s challenge is therefore not simply to expand alliances, but to ensure that they produce capabilities and benefits that Pacific partners themselves consider legitimate.
China’s AI Diplomacy Moves from Principle to Institution
Introduction
The creation of the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization marks a significant expansion of China’s technological diplomacy. Beijing is no longer limiting its ambitions to developing competitive models, chips and computing infrastructure. It is now attempting to shape the institutions through which artificial intelligence will be governed, financed and distributed. By bringing together 29 founding members and locating the organization in Shanghai, China is presenting itself as both a technological power and an institutional sponsor for countries that believe existing AI governance debates remain dominated by the United States and other advanced Western economies.
WAICO’s importance should not be judged solely by the technological capabilities of its initial members. Its immediate value lies in political positioning. China is offering developing countries a framework based on open-source models, training, capacity-building and participation in rule-making. This allows Beijing to frame AI not only as a strategic technology but as a development issue linked to inequality, sovereignty and access.
A Global South Coalition
The membership profile reveals the organization’s intended audience. With 10 African and 12 Asian countries, alongside states such as Russia, Brazil, Belarus, Serbia, Cuba and Venezuela, WAICO is heavily weighted toward the Global South and governments dissatisfied with Western-led institutions. Many members lack the computing capacity, capital and technical workforce required to develop advanced AI systems independently. China’s promise of affordable technology, training centres and institutional representation is therefore likely to be attractive.
This does not mean the organization already represents a broad international consensus. Several founding members are closely aligned with Beijing or Moscow, while many leading AI powers and major democratic economies remain outside the initiative. Yet this limitation should not be mistaken for irrelevance. China does not need WAICO to become universally accepted immediately. It needs the body to become useful enough that developing states treat Chinese technology, standards and training as credible alternatives to Western systems.
Governance as Strategic Competition
Xi Jinping’s emphasis on human oversight, early-warning mechanisms and safeguards against loss-of-control risks allows China to claim that it is taking AI safety seriously. At the same time, Beijing criticises regulatory approaches that it believes could restrict innovation or preserve the dominance of established technology companies. This produces a distinctive diplomatic message: China presents itself as supporting both technological openness and responsible governance, while arguing that regulation should not become a barrier to development.
The contradiction is obvious. Open-source access can broaden participation, but it can also increase risks of misuse, cyber exploitation and uncontrolled model proliferation. Calls for human oversight and international safeguards remain vague unless supported by common definitions, verification procedures and transparent reporting. WAICO will therefore be judged not by the language of its founding declaration but by whether it can reconcile access with safety in practice.
The Institutional Test
The organization’s credibility will depend on implementation. Training programmes, research centres and technology transfers require sustained financing. Common governance standards require agreement among states with very different legal systems, political priorities and levels of technical development. Members may support broad principles while resisting intrusive monitoring or binding obligations.
There is also a risk that WAICO becomes primarily a vehicle for expanding Chinese technological ecosystems. If capacity-building programmes are tied to Chinese cloud services, chips, models and technical standards, participating countries may gain access while becoming more dependent on Beijing-controlled infrastructure. The distinction between development assistance and strategic technological influence will therefore be difficult to maintain.
Fragmentation or Wider Representation?
WAICO could broaden participation in AI governance by giving developing countries a more organised voice. Existing international debates often focus on the concerns of advanced economies, while many states remain consumers rather than rule-makers. A platform that addresses infrastructure gaps, skills shortages and unequal access could therefore fill a genuine institutional gap.
The danger is that it accelerates fragmentation. Competing U.S.-, European- and Chinese-centred frameworks may produce incompatible standards for data, safety, export controls and model accountability. Instead of creating global governance, WAICO could contribute to parallel technological blocs.
Conclusion
China has transformed its AI ambitions into an institutional project. WAICO gives Beijing a platform for combining technology exports, development cooperation and diplomatic influence under the language of inclusive governance. Its initial membership is too narrow to constitute a global order, but dismissing it would be a mistake. The organization’s real test is whether it can deliver practical benefits, credible safeguards and meaningful participation without becoming merely an extension of Chinese strategic influence.
